In 1993, presidents Museveni, Moi and Mkapa agreed to revive the East African Cooperation that had collapsed in 1977. A treaty signed by the same presidents in November 1999 set out principles for economic, monetary, and political union. It provided for a common action on the movement of people and goods between member countries, establishment of a common customs union, elimination of international tariffs, establishment of an East African Legislative Assembly and a common president. This was formalised in a ceremony held in Arusha, in 2001. In December 2006, Rwanda and Burudi formally joined to EAC to make five, the number of countries constituting the federation.
The conditions for economic integration and prosperity cannot be more opportune! The EAC covers an area of over 1.8 million square kilometres with a combined population of almost 100 million. It has a vast economic and trade potential; as well as a common history, language (Kiswahili), culture and infrastructure.
Despite these prospects, we do not seem to have adequate safeguards against a possible collapse such as one we witnessed in 1977. There are ingredients that could undermine the spirit of EAC and possibly kill it off. Compared with factors that annihilated the EAC in 1997, these ingredients are trivial. In 1977, East Africa had become ideologically split, with Kenya advocating capitalist interventions, while Tanzania pursued socialism. Mistrust among the East African leaders mounted after president Amin had grabbed power by force and continuously castigated Tanzania for harbouring and supporting Ugandan rebels. Today, the elements that threaten EAC are of a much lower echelon. Let me elaborate a few of them.
Uganda has ample land conflicts. Some tribal and ethnic groupings have prevented other groupings from lawfully acquiring land and settling in “their” areas. The most vivid example is the Bakiga whom Banyoro have fought for decades with machetes, witchcraft, bullets and legislation. Baganda have dropped hints on several occasions that Buganda is for Baganda. Indeed the 1967 Kabaka crisis is said to have been triggered by an ultimatum Kabaka Mutesa gave President Obote, demanding that he immediately moves the capital of Uganda from Buganda’s soil. How will Ugandans allow Kenyans, Tanzanians, Rwandese, Barundi to freely move in, acquire land and settle, if they cannot allow their fellow citizens?
Nepotism in employments and business is a thorny issue in many institutions. Uganda Revenue Authority is reportedly for southerners. Until 20 years ago, you would not join the army if you were not from a northerner. The current army has often come under spotlight promoting southerners. Religious institutions are not clean either. A catholic bishop of Rwandese origin would never promote a priest into the “inner circle” of Kabale diocese if he was not a “umvandimwe;” a Rwandese word meaning “one who comes from the same womb.” This persisted until non “bavandimwe” priests violently revolted prompting the Pope to dethrone the bishop. If we don’t have displine to share employment opportunities based on merit, what will happen after we federate?
Differences in access to economic opportunities and social services have polarised Uganda into southern; perceived as the government’s “favourite” and northern; the “forgotten and neglected”. The last presidential elections gave prominence to this view when “one Uganda one people” was a campaign slogan for one presidential candidate. The candidate’s pledge to heal the divide uneventfully ended with his dramatic election defeat. Would a polarised Uganda meaningfully federate?
While president Museveni pursued regional integration, he simultaneously “disintegrated” his own country. Uganda had less than 30 districts in 1993. As the EAC initiative gained momentum, so was the disintegration of Uganda. To date, Uganda has over 80 districts. President Museveni’s federation argument has been numbers: a block with 100 million people is economically stronger than a single country with 28 million people. If we pursue the same argument, we would conclude that dismantled districts like Mbarara, Mpigi and others would never be the same. If president Museveni is willing to dismantle his own country, is his enthusiasm for East African federation genuine?
The elements that blew up the EAC in 1977 were quite visible – yet member governments stood by watching as the union collapsed. Will government this time heed issues that could easily pass for trivial?
Published in New Vision, September 24, 2007: https://www.newvision.co.ug/D/8/21/588423
September 2007
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